I would hope most people are figuring out Trump is not the friend of labor he ran his campaign on.

When, amid scandal and scrutiny, the bombastic fast-food CEO Andy Puzder withdrew himself as President Trumpís nominee for secretary of labor back in February, worker advocatesówhoíd run an aggressive campaign to oppose himólet out a collective sigh of relief. As a vocal opponent of higher minimum wages and stronger labor laws, Puzder seemed the very antithesis of the Department of Laborís mission of protecting workers.

Puzder has since moved on, frequenting cable news shows as a Trump booster, and is reportedly writing a book that attacks progressive policies and labor unions. Trumpís second choice, Alex Acosta, a relatively unknown conservative labor lawyer, was seen as a much milder alternative. Since confirmed, even with the fate of several major Obama-era labor regulations in the air, Acosta has maintained a low profile. But all that could soon change. Until now, Trumpís Labor Department staff has been skeletal, the consequence of the administrationís slowness in designating nominees, and the Republican-controlled Senateís foot-dragging in holding confirmation hearings. But with the Senate now back in session and Trump finally naming nominees to fill out Laborís roster, the department will likely kick into high gear soonóand once again become a source of anxiety for workers and their advocates.

If the people Trump has tapped for such key positions as overseeing mining safety, enforcing wage-and-hour laws, and guiding the departmentís regulatory policy are any indication, the department will enthusiastically embrace industry priorities. Despite Trumpís campaign rhetoric that promised to bring a voice for workers into the White House, he is filling the DOL with lobbyists, anti-union activists, industry executives, and management-side lawyers who appear hell bent on erasing the work of Obamaís Labor Department.
Trump Stacks Labor Department with Friends of Big Business